Negative Effects of Make America Great Again Idealogy

• Journal Listing
• Front end Psychol
• PMC8079816

Forepart Psychol. 2021; 12: 555667.

Making America Smashing Again? National Nostalgia's Event on Outgroup Perceptions

Anna Maria C. Behler

^onePsychology Department, North Carolina State University, Raleigh, NC, United States

Athena Cairo

²Psychology Department, Virginia Commonwealth Academy, Richmond, VA, United States

Jeffrey D. Green

²Psychology Department, Virginia Commonwealth Academy, Richmond, VA, U.s.

Calvin Hall

ⁱⁱPsychology Department, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA, Us

Received 2022 April 25; Accepted 2022 Mar 5.

Information Availability Statement

The datasets presented in this written report can be establish in online repositories. All reported study hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Science Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and study data tin be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were not analyzed in this report and therefore non listed in this study.

Abstract

Nostalgia is a fond longing for the past that has been shown to increase feelings of significant, social connexion, and self-continuity. Although nostalgia for personal memories provides intra- and interpersonal benefits, there may be negative consequences of group-based nostalgia on the perception and acceptance of others. The presented research examined national nostalgia (a class of commonage nostalgia), and its furnishings on grouping identification and political attitudes in the United States. In a sample of Usa voters (N = 252), tendencies to feel personal and national nostalgia are associated with markedly different emotional and attitudinal profiles. Higher levels of national nostalgia predicted both positive attitudes toward President Trump and racial prejudice, though there was no bear witness of such relationships with personal nostalgia. National nostalgia nigh strongly predicted positive attitudes toward president Trump among those high in racial prejudice. Furthermore, nostalgia's positive relationship with racial prejudice was partially mediated past perceived outgroup threat. Results from this study will aid us better sympathise how the experience of national nostalgia tin can influence attitudes and motivate political beliefs.

Keywords: national nostalgia, prejudice, intergroup relations, emotion, political differences

Throughout Donald Trump'southward tumultuous presidential campaign and tenure, journalists and scholars sought to explicate his appeal to many American voters. In the 2022 presidential election, as many as nine million voters who previously supported Barack Obama, the first Blackness president, voted for Trump despite his inflammatory race-focused rhetoric (Skelley, 2017). 1 concept repeatedly emerged within these discussions as a mainstay of Trump'south political appeal: that of nostalgia, broadly defined as a bittersweet longing for the past. Show of Trump'due south appeals to an earlier time in American history have been cited from the beginning of the 2022 presidential campaign through his failed 2022 reelection campaign, ranging from the salient nostalgic reverie of the "Make America Great Once again" campaign slogan (Samuelson, 2016) to more coded political rhetoric promising White, working class Americans a render to times that accept been lost (Brownstein, 2016).

Some have hypothesized that such nostalgic rhetoric may capitalize on voters' latent feelings of threat to their economical welfare, or to the racial or cultural homogeneity of American civilization (Brownstein, 2016; Smeekes et al., 2020). On a broad scale, nostalgia focused on nationality is a prominent feature of right-wing populist party rhetoric, and testify from voters in the Netherlands suggests that the accent of stigmatizing outgroups and preserving cultural hegemony inside nostalgic messaging is what explains the link between nostalgia and right-wing populist back up (Smeekes et al., 2020). In the United States, several studies provide potent testify of a link betwixt support for Trump and group prejudice. For example, survey enquiry has indicated that racial and anti-immigrant resentment strongly predicted voters' support of Trump in 2016, more and so even than voter's feelings of economic threat (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018; Schaffner et al., 2018). Additionally, a longitudinal assay of police reports evidenced a pregnant increase in hate crimes reported in Trump-supporting counties in the 6 months following the 2022 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). However, no enquiry has of all the same established whether Trump's nostalgic rhetoric may be associated with voters' attitudes toward racial outgroups. To this end, in this paper, we nowadays testify that national nostalgia, an emotion distinct from personal nostalgia, is associated with increased prejudice likewise as support for the populist messaging of Donald Trump.

The Sociality of Nostalgia

Nostalgia is a mostly positive emotion that increases cocky-regard, attenuates self-esteem defense, enhances significant in life, increases perceptions of self-continuity, and lessens feelings of existential threat (Wildschut et al., 2006; Routledge et al., 2008). Nigh people report experiencing nostalgia on a regular basis (Wildschut et al., 2006) and oft structure their present in anticipation of experiencing nostalgia in the future (Cheung et al., 2020). Nostalgia is triggered in various ways, including by music, scents, and reflecting on by momentous events (Barrett et al., 2010; Reid et al., 2015; Sedikides et al., 2015b). This emotion besides serves vital relational functions, increasing social connectedness and perceived social support (Sedikides et al., 2008).

The social connectedness part of nostalgia is a chief artery through which nostalgia confers positive psychological benefits. Although cornball memories are more likely to be evoked while experiencing negative affect (Wildschut et al., 2006) and loneliness (Zhou et al., 2008), the content of nostalgic memories evoked during these emotional states seem to human action as a "repository" of positive affect, positive self-regard, and social connectedness (Sedikides et al., 2008, p. 306). The content of cornball memories is predominantly social, including recollections of close others, important social events, or tangible objects reminiscent of loved ones (Wildschut et al., 2006; Batcho et al., 2008). Every bit a result of this, cornball memories seem to indirectly regulate these positive emotions by evoking and making more salient one's symbolic connections with others (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). For example, nostalgia felt in response to loneliness has been shown to reduce perceptions of isolation and low social support (Zhou et al., 2008). In organizational contexts, nostalgic emotions buffer the negative furnishings of depression social back up (due to procedural injustice) on reduced cooperation (van Dijke et al., 2015).

Importantly, those who are more likely to experience nostalgia (i.e., those high in personal nostalgia) are also more motivated to control prejudicial feelings and reduce their expression of prejudices against outgroups as a result of these positive benefits (Cheung et al., 2017). Four studies of Caucasian Americans examined the links betwixt personal nostalgia and the expression of both blatant and more subtle prejudice toward African Americans (Cheung et al., 2017). They found that the link between personal nostalgia and prejudice reduction was mediated by feelings of empathy, suggesting that the feel of nostalgia offers advantages beyond the cocky.

National Nostalgia vs. Personal Nostalgia

The link between nostalgia and sociality becomes more than circuitous when because nostalgia felt for one's group. Although nostalgia felt at the individual level confers both intra- and interpersonal benefits, group-based nostalgia appears to have a singled-out psychological profile from personal nostalgia. Grouping-based emotions, as distinct from individual-level emotions, ascend when individuals cocky-categorize with a social grouping and integrate the group into their sense of cocky (Seger et al., 2009). Furthermore, group-based emotions can differ markedly from their coordinating individual level counterparts, such equally when an individual might feel strong pride and happiness for their home squad while not feeling strong pride in themselves (Smith and Mackie, 2016). Furthermore, group-based emotions serve a regulatory role of strengthening positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward both their ingroup and threatening outgroups (Smith et al., 2007; Seate and Mastro, 2015).

Group-based nostalgia—operationalized equally nostalgia felt for events shared with one'south ingroup, or commonage nostalgia—tin exist experienced in a variety of social settings, including organizations, school classes (due east.chiliad., Class of 2021), cities, and nations (Wildschut et al., 2014; Smeekes, 2015; Green et al., 2021). Similar individual-level nostalgia, shared memories can include notable events, such equally a special operation (band or orchestra), graduation solar day, homecoming (college course), or sports championships (city). Still, unlike private-level nostalgia, grouping-based nostalgia can occur in the form of a longing for a past that individuals themselves did non experience, simply rather one that was passed down through collective memory (Martinovic et al., 2017). Additionally, commonage nostalgia has been shown to increase positive attitudes too as an arroyo-oriented action trend toward the ingroup relative to an individually experienced nostalgic memory (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study 1). Collective nostalgia as well can increment group-oriented prosociality (due east.g., willingness to volunteer or donate money to assistance the ingroup; Wildschut et al., 2014; Green et al., 2021). Commonage self-esteem mediated this event: recalling a collective nostalgic event increased collective self-esteem, which, in turn, increased intentions to volunteer. Other enquiry has found additional ingroup benefits to collective nostalgia, such a preference for domestic (vs. strange) consumer products (Dimitriadou et al., 2019) and a promotion of collective political action (in Hong Kong; Cheung et al., 2017).

Nevertheless, there are two sides to this coin. A preference for domestic products is too a bias confronting foreign products, and the promotion of commonage political action was driven by anger and antipathy for the outgroup (i.e., Hong Kong residents toward mainland Chinese; Cheung et al., 2017). Individuals who recalled a commonage nostalgic retentivity (vs. an ordinary collective memory) were more than willing to punish outgroup members who were unfair to an ingroup member (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study 3). Still, in some cases, commonage nostalgia might increase intergroup contact when individuals tin can feel collective nostalgia for a superordinate group (Martinovic et al., 2017). In a study of former Yugoslavians who had settled in Commonwealth of australia, Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs who identified with Yugoslavia (when these groups were bound together prior to sectionalization and subsequent disharmonize) reported feeling more nostalgic for Yugoslavia and reported more than contact with the indigenous groups that had resided in the former Yugoslavia (but non control ethnic groups).

National nostalgia is one type of collective nostalgia that is felt while self-categorizing equally a citizen of a specific country, and is likely to be associated with item intra- and intergroup attitudes and behavioral intentions. Just every bit personal nostalgia during times of change and upheaval tin facilitate coping (e.g., attenuating loneliness) (Zhou et al., 2008), national nostalgia—a reverie for a state's proficient old days—may increment felt closeness to fellow natives during times of national stress or dubiety. Nevertheless, nostalgic revelry at the national level may exclude other citizens, such as contempo immigrants or minorities (Smeekes and Jetten, 2019). Studies of national nostalgia amid Dutch participants indicated that national nostalgia predicted prejudice toward religious minorities in the land (Smeekes et al., 2014) every bit well every bit prejudice toward Muslim countries (Smeekes, 2015). Notably, these outgroup attitudes were not predicted by personal nostalgia, which has been shown to be associated with decreased intergroup prejudice (Cheung et al., 2017). This distinction between personal and national nostalgia may lie in the extent to which outgroups pose an emotional threat to the cocky.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Threat

The intergroup threat theory (Stephan et al., 1999) posits that intergroup prejudice and hostility is largely explained by perceptions of threats to one's ingroup by an outgroup. In line with this theory, substantial evidence has constitute that intergroup prejudice is strongly influenced by both realistic and symbolic threat perception (Stephan et al., 2002; Mutz, 2018). Realistic threats are perceived threats to one's actual well-beingness, and typically include the domains of physical condom, political ability, and economic security. Symbolic threats are more abstract, dealing with the cultural norms, ideologies, values, and traditions of ane's ingroup (Stephan and Stephan, 2000). Realistic threats tend to be elicited from groups that are more economically powerful, whereas symbolic threats come most from marginalized outgroups who are perceived as highly different, and thus often inferior, to an ingroup (Stephan et al., 1999). Though these constructs are distinct and examined separately in the literature, there oft is overlap betwixt them, specially considering the demographic, economic, and social dynamics of some ingroups and outgroups. To be specific, when a marginalized minority grows in political, economic, or representative power, realistic and symbolic threats can be conflated (Craig and Richeson, 2014).

One salient gene in perceived threat for members of majority groups is the size of minority outgroups, with more than threat beingness evoked by larger outgroups (Giles, 1977; Craig and Richeson, 2018) or even through letters endorsing diverseness (Dover et al., 2016). In one notable set of studies by Craig and Richeson (2014), White American participants who read that the The states population was becoming more than diverse (relative to control conditions)—that the percentage of whites was dropping—reported more explicit (studies 1 and iii) and implicit (studies 2a and 2b) prejudice toward non-White outgroups and pro-White attitudinal bias. One possible explanation on why national and personal nostalgia are associated with different intergroup attitudes may be due to different levels of social categorization evoked, leading to differing levels of perceived threat. Personal nostalgia, which is associated with continuity of personal identity (Sedikides et al., 2015a) and evokes strong feelings of social connectedness, also has downstream implications for reducing anxiety and hostility toward outgroup members (for a review, encounter Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). In contrast, feeling national nostalgia is associated with cocky-categorizing at the grouping level, evoking one's national identity (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015). Similar to how personal nostalgia may be evoked when feeling disconnection at the private level, national nostalgia has been shown to exist evoked in response to existential concerns nearly i'southward group-based identity, and may take the beneficial effect of reducing feet past bolstering perceptions of grouping continuity and connection (Smeekes et al., 2018). For example, trait national nostalgia among Dutch participants was positively associated with wanting to protect national ingroup identity (Smeekes, 2015). Similarly, a cross-national survey beyond 27 countries institute that existential concerns most the future of one's state predicted increased collective nostalgia, which in turn predicted greater ingroup belonging and anti-immigrant sentiment (Smeekes et al., 2018). Nevertheless, when the presence or ability of outgroups is salient (e.thousand., chronically or past the rhetoric of politicians), national nostalgia may increase perceived threat. Moreover, ingroup continuity may be threatened by consideration of outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2018). This may exist particularly truthful for people whose views of the national past are distorted—for instance, when whites in the United States experience a longing for a (whiter and more than homogenized) past that never was. Thus, national nostalgia could increase this fearfulness of the time to come, leading to increased prejudice.

With the exception of a subsample of The states participants included in the cross-national study of Smeekes et al. (2018), this distinction has not been examined in the United states. Additionally, no studies take directly examined this theorized relationship in the context of political behavior. Given that the tumultuous Trump years emphasized a number of political problems associated with national and indigenous identities, we extended this line of inquiry by examining whether perceived intergroup threat explains any constitute human relationship betwixt national nostalgia and endorsement of symbolic prejudice.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Perceptions in the Context of Political Messaging

Recent work has highlighted the prominence of national nostalgia in the rhetoric of right-wing populist political parties, and in particular its office in posing racial or national outgroups every bit scapegoats for perceived economical or cultural reject (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020). Political leaders often employ national nostalgia in rhetorical strategy by emphasizing the discontinuity betwixt a nation's by and present (Mols and Jetten, 2014), which then serves to evoke collective angst about grouping status (Smeekes et al., 2018). A content analysis of speeches by correct-wing populist leaders in Western Europe found consistent themes of nostalgia for their land'southward "glorious past" while denigrating the land's present, also as themes emphasizing that a) opponents of the party were the crusade of this discontinuity betwixt by and present, and b) increasing the country's forcefulness and opposition to political party opponents would return the nation to its former glory (Mols and Jetten, 2014). By emphasizing collective identity discontinuity, and then highlighting a potential scapegoat to blame for that discontinuity, populist leaders offer listeners an outlet for restoring psychological well-being by denigrating the outgroups believed to be responsible (Smeekes et al., 2018). Indeed, national nostalgia has been shown to explicate back up for right-wing populist policies and leaders via the denigration of immigrant and racial outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2020).

Similarly, the role of intergroup relations was a strong focus of Donald Trump's 2022 and 2022 presidential campaign rhetoric¹. In the 2022 campaign, Trump borrowed Ronald Reagan'southward 1980 slogan, "Make America Groovy Once more," and emphasized claims that the United States had deteriorated from its former status. Along with these statements, he made numerous controversial statements on race, implying that changing demographics were, in office, to arraign for this decline (Pettigrew, 2017). This led political pundits to claim that Trump's supporters were primarily White Americans who felt threatened by irresolute racial demographics and nostalgic for a by, whiter version of the United states of america. Exit polls from the 2022 presidential ballot appeared to support some of these claims, as White voters were the only racial demographic to back up Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton, doing then past a large margin of 20 pct points (CNN, 2016)^two. Furthermore, several bookish studies conducted in the wake of the 2022 election further supported the notion that intergroup attitudes played an important role in voters' choice to back up Trump. Surveys conducted with representative panels found that support for Trump was most strongly predicted by negative attitudes toward the increased proportion of non-White US citizens in the population and anti-globalization attitudes (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Major et al., 2018; Mutz, 2018).

To build upon this research, the aim of our study was to direct examine how voters' propensity to feel national nostalgia may explicate support for Trump's populist rhetoric as well equally increases in racial prejudice in the United States following the 2022 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Furthermore, we hoped to highlight the unique role of perceived realistic and symbolic threats in shaping US voters' political attitudes. We thought information technology advisable to examine both realistic and symbolic threats given the unique part of Black Americans in U.s.a. history and the always-evolving racial and ethnic demographics of the United States, of which White Americans are becoming less of a bulk (United states Census Agency, 2020).

The Current Study

We examined the role of national nostalgia in propagating intergroup racial hostility higher up and beyond political orientation. Nosotros explored how national nostalgia relates to political and racial attitudes among voters who participated in the 2022 US presidential election. We also examined the interplay betwixt national nostalgia, pro-Trump attitudes, outgroup prejudice, and perceived outgroup threat.

Although previous research examined survey information taken around the time of the 2022 presidential race (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018), our data were collected ~1 yr after the election, allowing us to encounter how our participants felt after President Trump had been in office for some time, and whether the cornball message of "Making America Corking Again" still resonated with voters. Minimal work on national nostalgia has been conducted, and to date, nearly all of this work has been conducted outside of the United States; thus, this research would explore the potential link between national nostalgia and political attitudes likewise as study the phenomenon in the United states sociopolitical landscape. In improver, we included a validated measure of personal nostalgia in order to better examine the association betwixt personal and national nostalgia likewise every bit to assess whether each blazon of nostalgia might exist associated with political attitudes.

Hypotheses

Nosotros tested one specific hypothesis and 3 exploratory research questions, which were pre-registered on Open Scientific discipline Framework (https://osf.io/mwh6n).

Hypothesis 1. National nostalgia would be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes (1a). No relationship was expected to exist found between personal nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump (1b).

Research Question ane. Volition White or Republican identity exist positively related to pro-Trump attitudes?

Research Question 2. Will national nostalgia be positively related to racial prejudice?

Research Question 3. Volition the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated by increased threat sensitivity?

Method

Participants

An a priori power assay using G^*Power (Faul et al., 2009) indicated a minimum of 132 individuals would be needed to detect a pocket-sized correlation of r = 0.09ⁱⁱⁱ with 95% power and α = 0.05. We recruited 252 United states citizens who voted in the 2022 presidential election and identified equally either White or Blackness (57.9% female, and 54.4% White). Participant historic period ranged from 18 to 79 (Thou = 36.34, SD = 12.68). Regarding political affiliation, 44.0% of the participants identified every bit Democrats, 25.4% Independent, 23.4% Republican, and 7.two% as Other. Participants were recruited through Amazon MTurk (www.mturk.com) during the Fall of 2022 and compensated $0.30 for completing the survey.

Regarding our sample demographics, White individuals comprised approximately 74% of the electorate in the 2022 ballot (Pew Enquiry Eye, 2018); however, nosotros purposefully oversampled Black voters for the purposes of achieving appropriate statistical power for our analyses. Additionally, Republicans comprised ~31% of the electorate, with Democrats and Independents making upward 35 and 34%, respectively. Thus, we feel that our sample is an authentic reflection of the 2022 US voters.

Measures

Personal Nostalgia

The Southampton Nostalgia Scale (SNS; Routledge et al., 2008) measured personal nostalgia, operationalized as how oftentimes participants experience nostalgia and how meaning participants felt nostalgic experiences were to them. The scale included seven items (e.g., "How valuable is nostalgia for you?") rated from 1 (Not at all) to 7 (Very much). To build on past national nostalgia research (Smeekes et al., 2014), nosotros use a validated measure of personal nostalgia (proneness to feeling personal nostalgia).

National Nostalgia

The National Nostalgia Scale (NNS; Smeekes et al., 2014, Study 1) measured participants' propensity to feel nostalgia on the basis of ane'south national ingroup membership. The scale included iv items rated from ane (Very rarely) to 5 (Very frequently) scale. The NNS used in this study was modified from the scale of Smeekes and Verkuyten (2015)⁴ to reflect American nationality [due east.g., "How oftentimes exercise you long for the America (Netherlands) of the past?"].

Positive Attitudes Toward Trump

In terms of political attitudes, nosotros wanted to assess positive sentiment toward the President as related to the experience of nostalgia. Therefore, nosotros used a modified version of the Country Functions of Nostalgia Calibration (SFN; Hepper et al., 2012), which measures the extent to which nostalgia confers the positive benefits of social connection, well-existence, self-regard, and overall positive affect. Each item was modified to assess how participants experienced these benefits equally they related to Donald Trump's presidency. This scale consisted of 16 items (east.grand., "Thinking nigh the election of Donald Trump makes me feel protected/happy/life is worth living"), that were rated on a 1 (Non at all) to 5 (Extremely) scale.

Outgroup Threat Perception

The Realistic Threat Scale (RTS; Stephan et al., 2002) was employed to measure out realistic threat perceptions (e.one thousand., of social or economic harm) of Black individuals. The calibration was examined only among White participants. The measure includes 12 items (e.one thousand., "African Americans hold also many positions of power and responsibility in this country") rated on a ane (Strongly disagree) to 7 (Strongly concur) scale.

Racial Prejudice

The Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS; Henry and Sears, 2002) was used to assess cognitive and affective dimensions of racial prejudice toward Blackness individuals. The mensurate consisted of 8 items (e.1000., "It'south actually a matter of some people non trying hard plenty; if Blacks would but endeavour harder they could be but also off as Whites.") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to 4 (Strongly agree) calibration.

Political Measures

Participants reported their political orientation on a scale ranging from 1 (Very Liberal) to seven (Very Conservative). Participants also chose which political party they most strongly identified with (Democrat, Republican, Independent, or Other). Participants then indicated which political candidate they voted for in the 2022 presidential ballot (Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump, or Other). They then responded to the question "How much practice yous feel like we need to 'Make America Not bad Again'?" on a 1 (Not at all) to vii (Extremely) scale. Finally, participants reported their country of origin and whether English was their native language.

Ethnic Identity Salience

The Multi-Ethnic Identity Measure—Revised (MEIM-R; Phinney and Ong, 2007) was used to decide the axis of participants' racial/ethnic backgrounds to their sense of self. The scale contains such every bit "I take a strong sense of belonging to my ethnic grouping," and each item was rated on a calibration of 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree) scale.

Demographics

Participants last reported their gender, age, and racial identity.

Procedure

Participants signed up through Amazon Mturk to consummate an online survey about their attitudes toward the past, race, and politics. Afterward indicating their informed consent, participants responded to all study measures and items in the lodge described above. All responses were collected over a single, 1 week period in the Fall of 2022 to avoid history artifacts in the data. Additionally, all participants passed attending checks ensuring that they were properly attending to questionnaire items. For the purposes of this survey, missing more than than two attending check items indicated bereft attending and warranted non-inclusion of that participant'due south data.

Results

Descriptive statistics and zip-order correlations are displayed in Tabular array 1. To exam our hypotheses, we conducted a serial of hierarchical linear regression models and bootstrapped mediation and moderation analyses to assess the human relationship between nostalgia (national and personal) and political and intergroup attitudes using SPSS v. 20 and Hayes' PROCESS macro v.3 (Hayes, 2013). Following these baseline models, we besides support our findings using path analyses employing maximum likelihood interpretation using IBM AMOS v. 26 (Due to a figurer error, the national nostalgia information from 72 participants were unusable, reducing the north for analyses including national nostalgia to 193, still higher up the target based on the power analysis).

Table 1

Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations among study variables.

Variable	1	2	three	four	five	vi	seven	8	ix	10	12	13	14	Thou/Percent	SD
1	Ethnic/Racial Identity Salience	0.91													3.38	0.92
ii	Personal Nostalgia	0.15**	0.92												4.85	1.xix
3	National Nostalgia	0.eighteen**	0.32***	0.xc											2.85	1.xvi
4	Pro-Trump Attitudes	0.24***	0.08	0.49***	0.97										2.62	1.41
5	Outgroup Threat Perception	0.07	−0.01	0.44***	0.62***	0.98									2.38	i.52
6	Racial Prejudice	0.08	0.07	0.47***	0.63***	0.63***	0.84								0.34	0.23
7	MAGA	0.14**	0.02	0.52***	0.61***	0.54***	0.65***	–							3.33	two.72
eight	Political Orientation	0.12	0.01	0.46***	0.59***	0.47***	0.66***	0.67***	–						3.48	1.76
9	Republican	0.08	0.01	0.33***	0.52***	0.35***	0.51***	0.60***	0.63***	–					23.4%	–
10	Democrat	0.08	0.00	−0.28***	−0.35***	−0.25***	−0.38***	−0.47**	−0.53***	−0.49***	–				44.0%	–
11	Independent	−0.xv*	−0.03	0.05	−0.14*	−0.05	−0.05	−0.02	0.02	−0.32***	−0.52***	–			25.4%	–
12	Gender	−0.05	−0.13*	−0.07	0.18**	0.18**	0.19**	0.10	0.15*	0.05	−0.12	0.10	–		57.1% (F)	–
13	Age	0.01	0.10	0.08	−0.04	−0.20**	−0.08	0.02	0.01	−0.03	0.03	0.03	−0.03	–	36.34	12.68
14	Race	0.33***	−0.08	−0.12	−0.04	−0.07	−0.17**	−0.09	−0.07	−0.04	0.20**	−0.17***	−0.12	−0.17**	54.four% (EA)	–

Main Hypothesis

We get-go assessed whether national nostalgia and personal nostalgia would be related to pro-Trump attitudes in the ways previously predicted. National nostalgia and personal nostalgia proneness were entered simultaneously in step 2 of the model to identify their unique relationship with attitudes toward Trump. In pace 1 of the hierarchical model, political orientation significantly predicted pro-Trump attitudes such that higher conservatism was associated with more positive attitudes of Trump, β = 0.59 t(192) = x.08, p < 0.001. In step 2 of the model, national nostalgia was associated with more pro-Trump attitudes above and beyond political affiliation, β = 0.30, t(192) = 4.43, p < 0.001, supporting Hypothesis 1a. In contrast, personal nostalgia was not associated with pro-Trump attitudes above and beyond political orientation, β = −0.07, t(192) = −1.13, p = 0.259. Nostalgia predicted a significant proportion of variance in attitudes above and beyond political orientation, F _{(2, 189)} = 9.90, p < 0.001, R²Δ = 0.06.

To examine this human relationship in a consolidated path model^v, Figure 1 displays Path Model 1, quantifying the relationship between national and personal nostalgia and race, political orientation, ethnic identity salience, and pro-Trump attitudes. The model fit the data somewhat weakly due to the lower sample size [χ2(1) = 23.01, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.89; RMSEA = 0.34; SRMR = 0.03]. As shown in Model ane, Hypothesis 1 was once more supported: national nostalgia predicted pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.24, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia was unrelated to pro-Trump attitudes (β = −0.08, p = 0.156).

Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia, ethnic identity, and pro-Trump attitudes (Model 1). Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.

Inquiry Question one

To appraise whether there was an association between race, political affiliation, and pro-Trump attitudes, we ran a 2 (Racial Identification) × 3 (Political Party Affiliation) ANOVA. Racial identification was coded with 0 = White/European-American, one = Blackness/African-American (shortened to W/EA and B/AA going frontward). Political political party amalgamation was coded equally i = Republican, 2 = Democrat, and three = Independent and were analyzed using an indicator multicategorical dissimilarity. For the purposes of this assay, information from participants who did non identify with one of these three major political groups were excluded. The model included 59 Republicans (34 Due west/EA, 25 B/AA), 111 Democrats (48 W/EA, 63 B/AA), and 64 Independents (44 W/EA, 24 B/AA). The factorial model found that political party affiliation was the only significant predictor of belongings positive attitudes toward President Trump, F _{(two, 228)} = 47.73, p < 0.001, partial η² = 0.30, with Republicans (M = 3.94, SD = one.22) more in favor of the president than their Democratic (Yard = two.06, SD = 1.26) or Independent (K = ii.27, SD = 1.06) counterparts. At that place was no principal event of participant race (Blackness or White) on attitudes toward the President, F _{(1, 228)} = 0.47, p = 0.57, nor was at that place an interaction between political political party amalgamation and participant race, F _{(two, 228)} = 0.05, p = 0.96. Figure two displays these results.

Relationship between party affiliation and pro-Trump attitudes by racial identity. Note. Error confined represent 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.

To explore these results further, nosotros examined whether indigenous identity salience, rather than race itself, may be an important qualifying variable in explaining pro-Trump attitudes. We examined whether political party (dummy coded with Republican = 0 to compare confronting Democrats and Independents) interacted with race (dummy coded with W/EA = 0) to predict racial identity salience (measured by the MEIM) using Hayes' PROCESS macro five. 3.iv (model 1). Nosotros conducted a bootstrapped moderation assay with 5,000 resamples, which indicated a significant higher-order interaction effect between political affiliation and race to predict ethnic identity salience, F _{(2, 228)} = 3.23, p = 0.041, R²Δ = 0.024. An analysis of the elementary slope furnishings indicated that there was a stronger difference in ethnic identity salience amid White participants compared with Black participants. White Republicans (Yard = three.47, SD = 0.92) reported that their racial identity was significantly more than of import to them than their White Democratic [K = iii.04, SD = 0.91, b = −0.43, 95% CI = (−0.82, −0.04)] and Independent counterparts [1000 = two.89, SD = 0.92, b = −0.59, 95% CI = (−0.98, −0.19)]; unproblematic slope departure F _{(2, 228)} = 4.49, p < 0.001. In contrast, no significant difference in racial identity salience was found amidst Black/African-American participants; simple slope divergence F _{(2, 228)} = 0.63, p = 0.537. In fact, an analysis of the simple main upshot of race among Republicans indicated that White Republicans felt their racial identity was equally equally of import to them every bit Blackness participants; M = 3.73, SD = 0.83, b = 0.24, 95% CI = (−0.sixteen, 0.63). Black Democrats [b = 0.60, 95% CI = (0.37, 0.83)] and Black Independents (b = 0.97, 95% CI = (0.57, 1.36)] reported significantly higher ethnic identity salience compared with White Democrats and Independents (come across Figure 3).

Racial identity salience amidst Black/African-American and White/European-American participants of different political affiliations (Republican, Democrat, Contained). Note. Mistake bars correspond 95% CIs effectually the mean for each subgroup.

We likewise examined whether racial identity salience qualified the relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. A moderation assay using Hayes' Process macro (model i) indicated that higher racial identity salience somewhat strengthened the relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump, but only among White participants; ΔR ² = 0.03, F _{(ane, 77)} = 3.94, p = 0.051. Among those low in racial identity salience, national nostalgia was unrelated to attitudes toward Trump; b = 0.27, 95% CI = (−0.03, 0.58). Those moderate [b = 0.43, 95% CI = (0.18, 70)] and high [b = 0.64, 95% CI = (0.31, 0.97)] in racial identity salience showed a strong relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes.

As a final test of Research Question ane, a second path model (Path Model 2, Figure 4) was compared with Path Model i to again examine the interaction betwixt nostalgia and indigenous identity (on pro-Trump attitudes), and the interaction between political orientation and race (assessing its relationship with indigenous identity). When interpreting this model, it is important to notation that path models are mostly considered ineffective in examining interaction furnishings (Meyers et al., 2016). Path Model 2 showed much improved fit relative to Path Model 1 [χ2(10) = xl.47, p < 0.001, CFI = 0.95, RMSEA = 0.09^{half dozen}; SRMR = 0.05]. Likely due to the limitations of path models to compute interaction effects, in contrast to what was shown in the Process model, the interaction between race and political orientation (measured on a continuous calibration) was not significantly associated with ethnic identity (β = −0.08, p = 0.210). Additionally, the interaction term between national nostalgia and ethnic identity was no longer associated with pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.thirteen, p = 0.607). This suggests that for White participants, greater national nostalgia was associated with increased indigenous identity.

Path analysis estimating interaction effects (race × political orientation and indigenous identity × nostalgia) on pro-Trump attitudes. Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.

Inquiry Question 2

We next examined whether national nostalgia was positively related to racial prejudice. Bivariate correlations indicated that national nostalgia was positively associated with both anti-Black racial prejudice measured by the Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS) also as perceived realistic threat measured by the Realistic Threat Scale (RTS, see Table 1). To further examine the link between national nostalgia and racial prejudice, we tested whether racial prejudice chastened the link between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump using Hayes' Procedure macro (model ane) with 5,000 resamples. A significant moderation effect was identified. Participants reporting higher prejudice exhibited a stronger human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes; ΔR ² = 0.05, F _{(one, 178)} = nineteen.sixty, p < 0.001. Simple slopes were calculated and visualized using the interActive online utility, and are presented in Figure 5 (McCabe et al., 2018). The human relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump was non-meaning at depression levels of prejudice (those at to the lowest degree −1 SD below the mean of SNS). Notwithstanding, for those moderate to high in racial prejudice (0, +1, or +2 SDs in a higher place the mean of SNS), national nostalgia positively predicted pro-Trump attitudes (see Figure v). Interestingly, this outcome was found separately for both White [ΔR ⁱⁱ = 0.03, F _{(1, 77)} = 5.93, p = 0.02] and Blackness participants [ΔR ² = 0.09, F _{(1, 97)} = 17.44, p < 0.001], but there was no significant 3-way interaction between national nostalgia, prejudice, and race (p = 0.14), then the results in Figure five are displayed for all participants.

Human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes moderated by anti-Black racial prejudice. Note. Plots display elementary slopes at −ii, −1, 0, +ane, and +2 SDs abroad from the mean of racial prejudice for all participants. PTCL, percentile.

Inquiry Question 3

Volition the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice exist mediated past increased threat sensitivity?

We last examined whether the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice would be mediated by outgroup threat perception (measured by the Realistic Threat Scale, RTS). A moderated mediation model was constructed using Hayes' Procedure macro (model 8) to assess whether the proposed mediational result might differ between European-American and African-American participants. Equally shown in Figure 6, the model indicated a pregnant indirect upshot of national nostalgia on prejudice through the mediator of perceived threat for both White/EA participants [β = 0.23, 95% CI = (0.12, 0.36)] and Black/AA participants [β = 0.22, 95% CI = (0.thirteen, 0.32)]. The mediational indirect effect did not differ by participant race; β = 0.07, 95% CI = (−0.15, 0.13).

Arbitration of national nostalgia relationship with racial prejudice by outgroup threat perception, moderated past participant race.

To examine this question in the context of a path model, Path Model 3 (Figure 7) displays the proposed relationships between national nostalgia and racial prejudice. Model 3 showed a moderate fit with the information, χ(two) = 65.eighty, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.79; RMSEA = 0.41; SRMR = 0.07). When bookkeeping for political orientation, race, national nostalgia, personal nostalgia, racial threat sensitivity, and racial prejudice in a structural equation mediation model, national nostalgia directly predicted racial prejudice (β = 0.21, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia did not (β = 0.03, p = 0.581). The relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice was significantly mediated past threat sensitivity [indirect effect β = 0.18, 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)]. Interestingly, personal nostalgia also showed a weak indirect effect on national nostalgia via threat sensitivity, but in a negative direction [indirect effect β = −0.07, 95% bias-corrected CI (−0.14, −0.01)]. This suggests that greater personal nostalgia may weakly predict lower racial prejudice via reduced racial threat sensitivity.

Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia and prejudice, mediated by racial threat sensitivity (Model 3). Note. Path coefficients correspond standardized estimates. Indirect effect of national nostalgia on racial prejudice through racial threat sensitivity was significant [β = 0.18; 95% bias-corrected CI (0.ten, 0.26)].

Discussion

In our written report, national nostalgia was associated with more than positive feelings about President Trump, equally well as increased perceived racial threat amidst White respondents. In dissimilarity, personal nostalgia was unrelated to back up for Trump or perceived racial threat. When assessed in a path model, personal nostalgia was actually associated indirectly with lower anti-Black prejudice via decreased racial threat sensitivity. These findings align with evidence from samples outside the United states of america (eastward.g., Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Smeekes et al., 2020) that personal and national nostalgia are distinct experiences with unique ramifications for intergroup attitudes and relations. Though our overall finding that national nostalgia predicted Trump support could reflect a strong semantic connection between Trump and its 2022 presidential campaign slogan, it likewise may point to the appeal of Trump's entrada—and its right wing, populist sentiments—among those initially prone to feeling national nostalgia. To better answer this question, our side by side analyses investigated more closely the relationship between national nostalgia and identity.

Our outset enquiry question asked whether identity was associated with national nostalgia. We found partial testify for this idea, as Republican participants expressed greater positive attitudes toward Trump. However, there was no bear witness of a relationship between race and back up for the President. At first glance, this finding does non marshal with media narratives and political polling suggesting that Trump's messaging appealed by and large to White voters. However, although race itself did non predict support for the President, racial identity salience moderated the link between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. White Republicans felt more than strongly continued to their racial identity than Whites who identified equally either Democrats or Independents. White Republicans as well expressed significantly more positive feelings toward the President than other groups. In fact, they rated their racial identity equally important as Blackness participants in our sample. This is notable, as it evidences further support for the influence of White identity on political attitudes (Schildkraut, 2015). As members of the majority group, White individuals typically are less probable to think of themselves in terms of race than people of color, for whom race is a more centralized component of their identity (Steck et al., 2003).

This finding suggests that the perception of demographic changes and threats to the dominant ingroup in the United States may indeed accept been a disquisitional cistron in voters' option to support Trump. Some research suggests that, in the current political climate, White Americans may increasingly place with their Whiteness, as a consequence of threat resulting from shifting racial demographics (Jardina, 2019). Withal, there is an upshot of causality, as these correlational data could indicate that the perception of such a threat may increase the salience of one'south racial identity. This threat may be perceived more strongly by those for whom a White racial identity was already a more primal function of their self-concept. For instance, Schildkraut (2015) found that White Americans with higher White identity scores, along with heightened perception of discrimination against Whites and feeling a sense of linked fate with other White Americans, were substantially more probable to politically endorse a White candidate. This suggests that the threat to White identity, forth with other related constructs, may influence political attitudes and may also offer an explanation on why leaders invoking national nostalgia may exist so attractive to some individuals. This type of rhetoric typically emphasizes commonage identity discontinuity in order to foment anxiety about the state of the state while simultaneously offer a restorative outlet past identifying racial outgroups as scapegoats.

The role of intergroup attitudes was apparent when examining the relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump support. We found that national nostalgia significantly predicted racial prejudice and that this relationship was mediated by perceived outgroup threat. Interestingly, this mediational effect was found among both White/EA and Blackness/AA participants, although the lack of a significant interaction upshot may have been due to lower power. Additionally, nosotros found a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes among those who reported more prejudice toward Black individuals. These findings align with show that group emotions motivate intergroup attitudes and, in particular, outgroup derogation when outgroups are perceived to be a threat (Smith et al., 2007; Wildschut et al., 2014). In particular, these findings align with converging evidence that the content of collective nostalgia—what individuals perceive to be "the good old days" for their identity group—reflects salient sources of perceived threat (Wohl et al., 2020). This conceptual model, highlighting the content of commonage nostalgia, too explains differences between the emotional outcomes of personal and national nostalgia. Whereas, personal nostalgia enhances feelings of belonging by evoking memories of positive intrapersonal experiences in the confront of ostracism or loneliness, national nostalgia may enhance belongingness by evoking positive thoughts near the "good old days" when one's group was perceived to be college in status or less threatened by outgroups. It is also possible that national nostalgia, like personal nostalgia, may enhance feelings of continuity in its own way, past allowing individuals to experience continued to a time in which they believed their ingroup identity was less threatened or somehow stronger. Recent piece of work supports the notion that, analogous to personal nostalgia, enhancing feelings of self-continuity (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019), national nostalgia is linked to feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018). A written report across 27 countries found that national nostalgia was associated with stronger feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018); ingroup belonging merely not prejudice (outgroup rejection) appeared to mediate this link. Since relatively little enquiry on commonage nostalgia, especially national nostalgia, has been undertaken, future piece of work should examine these questions via multiple methods, specially longitudinal and experimental designs, which can place whether and to what extent self-continuity is enhanced past (or itself predicts) collective nostalgia in response to outgroup threat.

Constraint on Generalizability

These information were obtained from a cross-sectional group of U.s. Mturk workers in the Autumn of 2017, so these results are about generalizable to American eye-aged populations (Huff and Tingley, 2015). Additionally, these considerations of intergroup threat perception and prejudice are virtually generalizable to White/EA and Black/AA social groups within the Usa, and future analysis of national nostalgia should go on to appraise different ethnicities, races, and other relevant social categories.

Future Directions

These findings raise the question on whether national nostalgia stems from a desire by some to go back in fourth dimension, due to perceived group identity threats. Future research should utilize longitudinal or experimental methods, such as manipulating identity threat, to examine whether national nostalgia arises equally a defense force against perceived threats to one's ingroup. Relatedly, it is but recently that national nostalgia has been manipulated (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Wohl et al., 2020), equally the majority of national nostalgia research has been at the trait level. Further work evoking national nostalgia in experimental contexts would allow united states to better understand how this emotion interacts with intergroup attitudes, prejudice, and feelings of threat. We should likewise keep to examine how the importance of racial identity, including white racial identity, plays a office in their political attitudes and actual voting behavior. The need for further research in this area has grown substantially in recent years, especially in light of events such as those that took place in Charlottesville in 2022 and at the US Capitol Building in early 2021, in which large groups of White Nationalists gathered in events that ultimately turned vehement.

An additional question to exist explored is the extent to which national nostalgia operates inside specific cultures and nations. Although Trump's presidential tenure has concluded, the importance of these findings is not constrained only to the rhetoric from his campaign. Rather, the use of national nostalgia in political communication is widespread (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020) and has far-reaching implications. Future research should examine the role of national nostalgia in shaping attitudes toward demagogues in a diversity of settings and when because a diversity of societal outcomes. Our findings advise that national nostalgia may influence intergroup attitudes as a group-based emotion broadly through evoking positive emotions near one's national group identity. However, the nature of the construct suggests information technology may likewise operate through evoking shared historical knowledge and schemas nearly one's group within a specific nation. The phrase "make America great again" and other nostalgic political rhetoric is specially controversial in the Usa considering minority groups have achieved meaning advances in civil rights in recent history, and a call to return to a former time may imply a call for a return to a former and less egalitarian social hierarchy. Hereafter enquiry on national nostalgia should explore the nuances of this emotion and its expression among various indigenous and social groups in unlike countries. Expressions of national nostalgia may evoke intergroup hostility to a lesser extent inside nations with unlike histories.

Future research might also examine the extent to which perceptions of outgroup threat stem from realistic (due east.g., economical) vs. symbolic (e.g., social/moral) concerns. Prior inquiry has theorized that symbolic threats (rather than realistic threats) may be more psychologically influential on voter back up for correct-wing populist ideology, every bit concerns about immigration and intergroup relations tend to emphasize the importance of preserving cultural homogeneity (Smeekes et al., 2020). Agreement the source and salience of perceived economical and cultural threats could help inform interventions to assuage anxiety, thus reducing prejudice toward outgroups. Finally, with the ever-evolving demographic makeup of the Usa (likewise as many other countries), farther work in this area should include individuals who identify with other racial groups beyond White or Black, and should also be expanded to look at dissimilar identities such as gender, sexual orientation, religion, immigrant status, social form, education level, and nation of origin.

Coda

National nostalgia, a form of collective cornball experience, is a promising lens through which to clarify attitudes, such as political and prejudicial attitudes, particularly when combined with assessments of identity salience and perceived outgroup threat. Research to engagement on national nostalgia is relatively new. Although this miracle has been studied elsewhere (mostly in European and Asian nations), this is the start written report, to our knowledge, to examine the US political landscape. Personal nostalgia—a wistful longing for ane'due south personal past—does not have the aforementioned associations with political and group attitudes, and only moderately correlates with national nostalgia. In dissimilarity, national nostalgia, particularly in combination with white identity salience and outgroup threat perception, predicted both prejudice and political attitudes.

There may exist some irony in the possibility that national nostalgia may include behavior for a past that never was; in this case, an America that was non as white as some call up. Even so, these national cornball feelings appear to be linked to important social attitudes, and thus are worthy of farther investigation.

Data Availability Argument

The datasets presented in this study can exist found in online repositories. All reported study hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Science Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and report information can exist viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were not analyzed in this report and therefore not listed in this report.

Ethics Statement

The studies involving human participants were reviewed and canonical by Virginia Democracy University IRB. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author Contributions

AB, AC, and CH compiled and submitted all documentation for IRB ethics review and OSF pre-registration. AB and Air-conditioning oversaw data collection and analysis. AB wrote the commencement typhoon of the manuscript. All authors collectively contributed to the conception and design of the study and assisted with subsequent revisions.

Disharmonize of Interest

The authors declare that the inquiry was conducted in the absenteeism of any commercial or financial relationships that could exist construed equally a potential conflict of interest.

Footnotes

ⁱWe note that intergroup relations were besides a salient theme in the 2022 election (e.g., the role of the Black Lives Matter move); however, as our data were nerveless in 2017, we emphasize the 2022 ballot in this paper.

²Though a majority of all non-White voters supported Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, the leave polls showed that the greatest differential was among Black voters, who voted in Clinton's favor by a margin of 89 to viii% (CNN, 2016). Thus, we chose to use Black voters as a comparison group to the Caucasian sample.

³The Pearson correlation between national nostalgia and outgroup prejudice reported by Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015, study 2).

⁴The authors would like to note that this scale was not included in the original pre-registration, every bit information technology was published just prior to the time this study was adult. However, the conclusion was made prior to information collection to use this validated calibration as a more directly and statistically sound fashion to measure the construct of national nostalgia.

⁵Although structural equation models are oftentimes used to model paths amongst composite variables (such as national and personal nostalgia), we opted to employ a path model for these analyses given that our sample was not large plenty to justify inclusion of all individual items in the model.

⁶Although RMSEA greater than 0.08 is oftentimes considered marginal fit, RMSEA has been known to become inflated with sample sizes lower than 200 (Meyers et al., 2016).

References

• Barrett F. Due south., Grimm K. J., Robins R. Westward., Wildschut T., Sedikides C., Janata P. (2010). Music-evoked nostalgia: bear on, memory, and personality. Emotion 10, 390–403. ten.1037/a0019006 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Batcho Thou. I., DaRin Thousand. 50., Nave A. Yard., Yaworsky R. R. (2008). Nostalgia and identity in song lyrics. Psychol. Aesth. Creativ. Arts 2, 236–244. 10.1037/1931-3896.2.four.236 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Brownstein R. (2016, June ii). Trump's rhetoric of White nostalgia. The Atlantic. Available online at: https://world wide web.theatlantic.com/politics/annal/2016/06/trumps-rhetoric-of-white-nostalgia/485192/
• Cheung W. Y., Hepper E. K., Reid C. A., Light-green J. D., Wildschut T., Sedikides C. (2020). Anticipated nostalgia: looking frontwards to looking back. Cogn. Emot. 34, 511–525. ten.1080/02699931.2019.1649247 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Cheung W. Y., Sedikides C., Wildschut T. (2017). Nostalgia proneness and reduced prejudice. Pers. Individ. Dif. 109, 89–97. 10.1016/j.paid.2016.12.045 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• CNN (2016). Election 2022 Go out Polls. Retrieved from: https://edition.cnn.com/election/2016/results/exit-polls
• Craig Yard. A., Richeson J. A. (2018). Bulk no more than? The influence of neighborhood racial diversity and salient national population changes on whites' perceptions of racial discrimination. RSF: the Russell Sage Foundation. J. Soc. Sci. 4, 141–157. 10.7758/rsf.2018.4.v.07 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Craig Thousand. A., Richeson J. A. (2014). More various yet less tolerant? How the increasingly-diverse racial mural affects white Americans' racial attitudes. Pers. Soc. Psychol. Bull. 40, 750–761. 10.1177/0146167214524993 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Dimitriadou M., Maciejovsky B., Wildschut T., Sedikides C. (2019). Commonage nostalgia and domestic country bias. J. Exp. Psychol. Appl. 25, 445–457. x.1037/xap0000209 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Dover T. 50., Major B., Kaiser C. R. (2016). Members of loftier-condition groups are threatened by pro-diversity organizational messages. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 62, 58–67. x.1016/j.jesp.2015.10.006 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Edwards G. S., Rushin South. (2018). The Effect of President Trump'southward Ballot on Hate Crimes. Social Science Inquiry Network. [Google Scholar]
• Faul F., Erdfelder Due east., Buchner A., Lang A. 1000. (2009). Statistical power analyses using G^* Power 3.1: tests for correlation and regression analyses. Behav. Res. Methods 41, 1149–1160. ten.3758/BRM.41.4.1149 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Giles M. W. (1977). Percent black and racial hostility: an old assumption reexamined. Soc. Sci. Q. 58, 412–417. 10.1177/104438947705800704 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Light-green J. D., Cairo A. H., Sedikides S., Wildschut. (2021). The ties that bind: university nostalgia fosters relational and collective university appointment. Front. Soc. Psychol. 11:580731. 10.3389/fpsyg.2020.580731 [PMC free article] [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Hayes A. F. (2013). Introduction to Arbitration, Moderation, and Conditional Process Analysis: A Regression-Based Arroyo. New York, NY: The Guilford Press. [Google Scholar]
• Henry P. J., Sears D. O. (2002). The symbolic racism 2000 scale. Polit. Psychol. 23, 253–283. 10.1111/0162-895X.00281 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Hepper Eastward. G., Ritchie T. D., Sedikides C., Wildschut T. (2012). Odyssey's end: Lay conceptions of nostalgia reflect its original Homeric meaning. Emotion 12, 102–119. 10.1037/a0025167 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Hooghe Thousand., Dassonneville R. (2018). Explaining the trump vote: the effect of racist resentment and anti-immigrant sentiments. PS Political Sci. Politics 51, 528–534. 10.1017/S1049096518000367 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Huff C., Tingley D. (2015). "Who are these people?" Evaluating the demographic characteristics and political preferences of MTurk survey respondents. Res. Politics 2, ane–12. x.1177/2053168015604648 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Jardina A. (2019). White Identity Politics. New York, NY: Cambridge Academy Press. [Google Scholar]
• Major B., Blodorn A., Blascovich G. One thousand. (2018). The threat of increasing diversity: why many White Americans back up Trump in the 2022 presidential election. Grouping Proc. Intergroup Relat. 21, 931–940. ten.1177/1368430216677304 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Martinovic B., Jetten J., Smeekes A., Verkuyten Chiliad. (2017). Collective retentivity of a dissolved country: grouping-based nostalgia and guilt assignment every bit predictors of interethnic relations between diaspora groups from sometime Yugoslavia. J. Soc. Political Psychol. v, 588–607. ten.5964/jspp.v5i2.733 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• McCabe C., Kim D., Rex K. (2018). Improving present practices in the visual display of interactions. Adv. Methods Pract. Psychol. Sci. i, 147–165. 10.1177/2515245917746792 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Meyers L. M., Garst G., Guarino A. J. (2016). Applied Multivariate Research: Pattern and Interpretation. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. [Google Scholar]
• Mols F., Jetten J. (2014). No guts, no glory: how framing the commonage by paves the manner for anti-immigrant sentiments. Int. J. Intercult. Relat. 43, 74–86. 10.1016/j.ijintrel.2014.08.014 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Mutz D. (2018). Condition threat, not economic hardship, explains the 2022 presidential vote. Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 115, 4330–4339. 10.1073/pnas.1718155115 [PMC free article] [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Pettigrew T. F. (2017). Social psychological perspectives on Trump supporters. J. Soc. Political Psychol 5, 107–116. 10.5964/jspp.v5i1.750 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Pew Research Eye (2018). An Examination of the 2022 Electorate, Based on Validated Voters. Retrieved from: https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2018/08/09/an-examination-of-the-2016-electorate-based-on-validated-voters/ (accessed August 02, 2020).
• Phinney J. Southward., Ong A. D. (2007). Conceptualization and measurement of indigenous identity: current condition and future directions. J. Couns. Psychol. 54, 271–281. 10.1037/0022-0167.54.3.271 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Reid C. A., Light-green J. D., Wildschut T., Sedikides C. (2015). Scent-evoked nostalgia. Memory 23, 157–166. 10.1080/09658211.2013.876048 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Routledge C., Arndt J., Sedikides C., Wildschut T. (2008). A blast from the past: the terror direction function of nostalgia. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 44, 132–140. 10.1016/j.jesp.2006.xi.001 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Samuelson R. J. (2016). 'Make America Great Again' Is Not a Policy. It'south an Exercise in Mass Psychology. Available online at: https://world wide web.washingtonpost.com/opinions/make-america-cracking-again-is-non-a-policy-its-an-practice-in-mass-psychology/2016/07/17/e316d5a2-4ab5-11e6-bdb9-701687974517_story.html
• Schaffner B. F., Macwilliams G., Nteta T. (2018). Understanding White polarization in the 2022 vote for president: the sobering role of racism and sexism. Polit. Sci. Q. 133, nine–34. 10.1002/polq.12737 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Schildkraut D. J. (2015). "Does becoming American create a amend American? How identity attachments and perceptions of bigotry impact trust and obligation," in Fear, Anxiety, and National Identity, eds Due north. Foner and P. Simon (New York, NY: The Russell Sage Foundation; ). [Google Scholar]
• Seate A. A., Mastro D. (2015). Media's influence on immigration attitudes: an intergroup threat theory approach. Commun. Monogr. 83, 194–213. x.1080/03637751.2015.1068433 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Sedikides C., Wildschut T. (2019). The sociality of personal and collective nostalgia. Eur. Rev. Soc. Psychol. thirty, 123–173. 10.1080/10463283.2019.1630098 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Sedikides C., Wildschut T., Arndt J., Routledge C. (2008). Nostalgia: by, nowadays, and future. Curr. Dir. Psychol. Sci. 17, 304–307. ten.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00595.x [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Sedikides C., Wildschut T., Routledge C., Arndt J. (2015a). Nostalgia counteracts self-discontinuity and restores cocky continuity. Eur. J. Soc. Psychol. 45, 52–61. 10.1002/ejsp.2073 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Sedikides C., Wildschut T., Routledge C., Arndt J., Hepper E. Thou., Zhou 10. (2015b). To nostalgize: mixing retention with affect and want. Adv. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 51, 189–273. 10.1016/bs.aesp.2014.10.001 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Seger C. R., Smith E. R., Mackie D. One thousand. (2009). Subtle activation of a social categorization triggers group-level emotions. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 45, 460–467. ten.1016/j.jesp.2008.12.004 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Skelley Yard. (2017). Simply How Many Obama 2012-Trump 2022 Voters were at that place? Rasmussen Reports. [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A. (2015). National nostalgia: a group-based emotion that benefits the in-grouping simply hampers intergroup relations. Int. J. Intercult. Relat. 49, 54–67. 10.1016/j.ijintrel.2015.07.001 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A., Jetten J. (2019). Longing for one'due south domicile country: national nostalgia and acculturation amidst immigrants and natives. Int. J. Intercult. Relat. 69, 131–150. 10.1016/j.ijintrel.2019.02.001 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A., Jetten J., Verkuyten G., Wohl M. J., Jasinskaja-Lahti I., Ariyanto A., et al. . (2018). Regaining in-group continuity in times of feet well-nigh the group's future. Soc. Psychol. 49, 311–329. 10.1027/1864-9335/a000350 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A., Verkuyten 1000. (2015). The presence of the past: identity continuity and group dynamics. Eur. Rev. Soc. Psychol. 26, 162–202. x.1080/10463283.2015.1112653 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A., Verkuyten M., Martinovic B. (2014). Longing for the country'southward good former days: national nostalgia, autochthony beliefs, and opposition to Muslim expressive rights. Br. J. Soc. Psychol. 54, 561–580. 10.1111/bjso.12097 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smeekes A., Wildschut T., Sedikides C. (2020). Longing for the "good old days" of our country: national nostalgia as a new principal-frame of populist radical-right parties. J. Theoret. Soc. Psychol. x.1002/jts5.78 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smith East. R., Mackie D. One thousand. (2016). Representation and incorporation of close others' responses: the RICOR model of social influence. Pers. Soc. Psychol. Rev. xx, 311–331. 10.1177/1088868315598256 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Smith E. R., Seger C. R., Mackie D. One thousand. (2007). Can emotions be truly group level? Evidence for four conceptual criteria. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 93, 431–446. 10.1037/0022-3514.93.3.431 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Steck 50. W., Heckert D. Grand., Heckert D. A. (2003). The salience of racial identity among African-American and White students. Race Soc. vi, 57–73. 10.1016/j.racsoc.2004.09.005 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Stephan W. G., Boniecki Thousand. A., Ybarra O., Bettencourt A., Ervin K. S., Jackson L. A., et al. . (2002). The role of threats in the racial attitudes of Blacks and Whites. Pers. Soc. Psychol. Bull. 28, 1242–1254. ten.1177/01461672022812009 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Stephan W. G., Stephan C. Due west. (2000). "An integrated threat theory of prejudice," in Reducing Prejudice and Discrimination ed Oskamp, South. (Mahwah, NJ: Psychology Press; ), 23–45. [Google Scholar]
• Stephan W. K., Ybarra O., Bachman Chiliad. (1999). Prejudice toward immigrants. J. Appl. Soc. Psychol. 29, 2221–2237. 10.1111/j.1559-1816.1999.tb00107.x [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• United states of america Census Agency (2020). Demographic Turning Points for the United States: Population Projections for 2022 to 2060. Retrieved from: https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2020/demo/p25-1144.pdf
• van Dijke G., Wildschut T., Leunissen J., Sedikides C. (2015). Nostalgia buffers the negative impact of depression procedural justice on cooperation. Organ. Behav. Hum. Decis. Process. 127, 15–29. 10.1016/j.obhdp.2014.eleven.005 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Wildschut T., Bruder M., Robertson S., van Tilburg W. A. P., Sedikides C. (2014). Collective nostalgia: a group-level emotion that confers unique benefits on the group. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 107, 844–863. x.1037/a0037760 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Wildschut T., Sedikides C., Arndt J., Routledge C. (2006). Nostalgia: content, triggers, functions. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 91, 975–993. ten.1037/0022-3514.91.5.975 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Wohl Chiliad. J., Stefaniak A., Smeekes A. (2020). Longing is in the memory of the beholder: collective nostalgia content determines the method members will support to make their grouping nifty once more. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 91:104044. x.1016/j.jesp.2020.104044 [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]
• Zhou Ten., Sedikides C., Wildschut T., Gao D. G. (2008). Counteracting loneliness: on the restorative function of nostalgia. Psychol. Sci. 19, 1023–1029. ten.1111/j.1467-9280.2008.02194.10 [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

---

Articles from Frontiers in Psychology are provided here courtesy of Frontiers Media SA

---

augustecommot.blogspot.com

Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8079816/

Share this post